Object data
oil on canvas
support: height 115.2 cm × width 140.2 cm
frame: height 141 cm × width 165.5 cm × depth 10 cm
Govert Flinck
c. 1638
oil on canvas
support: height 115.2 cm × width 140.2 cm
frame: height 141 cm × width 165.5 cm × depth 10 cm
Support The plain-weave canvas, with an average of approx. 13 horizontal (weft) by 11 vertical (warp) threads per centimetre, has been wax-resin lined. All tacking edges have been removed. Cusping at intervals with a range of 5-10 cm can clearly be seen at the top, bottom and left, but only vaguely on the right.
Preparatory layers The double ground extends up to the current edges of the support. The first, orange-red layer consists of (aluminium) silicates, quartz, haematite, manganese and a trace of titanium oxide. The second, warm beige ground contains lead white, brown earths, (aluminium) silicates, carbon black and some umber.
Underdrawing No underdrawing could be detected with the naked eye, infrared photography or infrared reflectography.
Paint layers The paint extends up to the current edges of the support. The brown initial lay-in consists of varying mixtures of carbon black, Van Dyke brown, umber, red and yellow earth, organic red and yellow pigments, lead white, chalk and azurite. It can be seen through craquelures in the paint layer and was not only used for the mid-tones and shadows but even in lit passages. Cross-sections show that its tone occasionally contrasts sharply with that of the paint layer. The warm, orangey-yellow bedspread, for example, has a dark, cool greenish-grey undermodelling, and the blue hat of the elder male figure has a dark, reddish-brown one. The composition was built up from the back to the front and from dark to light, using reserves. The execution is in general loose, with broad strokes and dry and opaque scumbles, whereas the modelling of the features was done with short, isolated, highlighted dabs. Back-of-the-brush scratching in the wet paint was used to add details, such as Isaac’s beard hairs and the golden decoration on Jacob’s right cuff. The still life in the background to the left was done with thin, loose brushwork. X-radiography revealed that the reserve for Rebecca’s head was further to the left, with the curtain folded above and behind it. Her mouth was originally more open, the teeth showing. Her nose was initially planned a bit more to the right and her left eye was placed slightly lower than in the final version. Adjustments visible to the naked eye include the position of Isaac’s right hand and Jacob’s fur gloves and the reduction in size of the white compositional elements: the sheet, cushion and tablecloth.
Gwen Tauber, 2023
Good. The paint surface has whitened slightly in the background on both the left and the right.
…; ? anonymous sale, Amsterdam (Hendrik de Leth), 17 April 1758, no. 6 (‘De Zegeninge Jacobs, levensgroote half lyf, konstig en kragtig geschildert door Rembrand, hoog 4 voet 1 duim, breed 4 voet 10 duim [115.5 x 139 cm].’), to ‘De Schilder Quinkhart’;1...; from Leendert Pieter de Neufville (1729-1811), Rotterdam, fl. 800, to Gerrit van der Pot (1732-1807), Lord of Groeneveld, Rotterdam, 11 January 1786;2his sale, Rotterdam (Gebr. Van Ryp), 6 June 1808 sqq., no. 37 (‘Hoog 44, en breed 53 duim [115 x 139 cm]. Dk. De Zegening van Jakob door Izaak voorstellende. Men ziet de twijfeling in het gelaat van den Aartsvader, het verlangen van Rebekka, en de begeerte van Jakob, overschoon uitgedrukt. Dit konststuk, alleszins van ordinantie, behandeling en costume in de manier van Rembrand, doet eer aan dezen Meester.’), fl. 1,380, to J.J. de Wit, for the museum3
Object number: SK-A-110
Copyright: Public domain
Govert Flinck (Cleves 1615 - Amsterdam 1660)
The exact date of Govert Flinck’s birth, 25 January 1615, is known from a medal issued at the time of his death. He was born into a Mennonite family of some standing in the German town of Cleves, where his father may have been a cloth merchant. According to Houbraken, the young Flinck had a fervent desire to become an artist, which his parents did their utmost to suppress until the Dutch painter and fellow Mennonite Lambert Jacobsz, who was on a preaching tour in Cleves, persuaded them to allow their son to study with him in Leeuwarden. Another of his pupils and Flinck’s ‘companion in art’ (‘gezelschap in de Konst’) was Jacob Backer, who was about seven years his senior.4 Having advanced far enough to stand on their own feet, the two young artists went to Amsterdam. Although Houbraken’s text has been interpreted as meaning that they made the move at the same time, Backer is first documented there in 1633, while the earliest record of Flinck living in Amsterdam is from 1637. On 13 March of that year, he bought some prints at an auction and his address was given as the home of the art dealer Hendrick Uylenburgh. Von Sandrart informs us that after a period of study with Rembrandt, which according to Houbraken lasted only a year, Flinck ‘spent many long years with the famous art dealer Uylenburgh, with whom he left many exquisite, beautiful portraits from his own hand’.5 This chronology implies that he had already trained with Rembrandt, or was training with him, when he painted his earliest signed and dated works in 1636.6 Vestiges of Jacobsz’s style are apparent in these pictures, making Houbraken’s assertion that Flinck fully mastered Rembrandt’s manner in the year he was taught by him appear somewhat exaggerated.
Flinck’s most accomplished Rembrandtesque paintings date from the late 1630s and early 1640s. In addition to the portraits mentioned by Von Sandrart, he executed histories and landscapes while he worked for Uylenburgh. His documented clientele consisted to a large degree of fellow Mennonites, including his cousins Ameldonck and Dirck Jacobsz Leeuw. It is not known when Flinck stopped running Uylenburgh’s studio and set up shop on his own. In 1644, he purchased two houses on Lauriersgracht (nos. 76 and 78) for 10,000 guilders, installing his studio and gallery on the top floors. In the meantime, he had already received the first of three commissions for group portraits from the Amsterdam civic guard, the Portrait of the Governors of the Kloveniersdoelen of 1642;7 the other two are dated 1645 and 1648.8 In the latter year he was awarded his first order from an aristocrat, an allegory for the Elector of Brandenburg, Friedrich Wilhelm von Hohenzollern.9
In June 1645 Flinck married Ingeltje Thoveling, the daughter of a vice-admiral and director of the Rotterdam branch of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Although she was a Remonstrant, it was only after her death in early 1651 that Flinck had himself baptized in her faith. He remarried in 1656, his second wife being Sophia van der Houve of Gouda. Houbraken points out that Flinck had many influential friends, including Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen, governor of Cleves, the burgomasters Cornelis and Andries de Graeff, and the art lovers Pieter and Jan Six and Joannes Wtenbogaert.
A fully-fledged Flemish Baroque style, inspired initially by Amsterdam artists who had adopted it, first appears in Flinck’s work in 1645.10 It is also apparent in the many important commissions Flinck received in the 1650s, which included portraits of the Elector of Brandenburg11 and of Johan Maurits,12 as well as the Allegory in Memory of Frederik Hendrik.13 It may have been the trip that the artist made to Antwerp, reported by both Baldinucci and Houbraken, that encouraged him to continue down this path.
In 1656 Flinck completed the enormous Marcus Curtius Dentatus Refusing the Gifts of the Samnites for the newly built Town Hall in Amsterdam, followed in 1658 by Solomon’s Prayer for Wisdom.14 In late 1659 he was asked to paint twelve monumental canvases for the Great Gallery of the Town Hall, but Flinck died on 2 February the following year before completing any of them.
A witness stated that a number of assistants and apprentices were working in Flinck’s studio in 1649, which was probably the case in other years as well. Nevertheless, the names of only four, rather obscure pupils are known with certainty: the Düsseldorf painter Johannes Spilberg (1619-1690), who spent a few years with him in the 1640s, Johannes Buns (dates unknown), Bartholomeus Hoppfer (1628-1699) and Steven Sleger (dates unknown).
Jonathan Bikker, 2023
References
J. von Sandrart, Academie der Bau-, Bild- und Mahlerey-Künste von 1675: Leben der berühmten Maler, Bildhauer und Baumeister, ed. A.R. Peltzer, Munich 1925 (ed. princ. Nuremberg 1675), p. 194; A. Houbraken, De groote schouburgh der Nederlantsche konstschilders en schilderessen, II, Amsterdam 1719, pp. 18-27; F. Baldinucci, Notizie de’ professori del disegno da Cimabue in qua secolo V. dal 1610. al 1670., Florence 1728, p. 484; H. Havard, L’art et les artistes hollandais, II, Paris 1880, pp. 71-174, 191-202; D.C. Meijer Jr, ‘De Amsterdamsche schutters-stukken in en buiten het nieuwe Rijksmuseum’, Oud Holland 7 (1889), pp. 45-60, esp. pp. 45, 46; A. Bredius, Künstler-Inventare, I, The Hague 1915, p. 128; Hofstede de Groot in U. Thieme and F. Becker (eds.), Allgemeines Lexikon der bildenden Künstler von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, XII, Leipzig 1916, pp. 97-100; A. Bredius, Künstler-Inventare, IV, The Hague 1917, pp. 1254-55; J.W. von Moltke, Govaert Flinck, 1615-1660, Amsterdam 1965, pp. 9-12; S.A.C. Dudok van Heel, ‘Doopsgezinden en schilderkunst in de 17e eeuw: Leerlingen, opdrachtgevers en verzamelaars van Rembrandt’, Doopsgezinde Bijdragen 6 (1980), pp. 105-23, esp. pp. 109-10; S.A.C. Dudok van Heel, ‘Het “schilderhuis” van Govert Flinck en de kunsthandel van Uylenburgh aan de Lauriergracht te Amsterdam’, Jaarboek Amstelodamum 74 (1982), pp. 70-90; W. Sumowski, Gemälde der Rembrandt-Schüler, II, New York 1984, pp. 998-99; W. Liedtke, ‘Rembrandt and the Rembrandt Style in the Seventeenth Century’, in W. Liedtke et al., Rembrandt/not Rembrandt in The Metropolitan Museum of Art: Aspects of Connoisseurship, exh. cat. New York 1995-96, II, pp. 3-39, esp. pp. 16-20; Von Moltke in J. Turner (ed.), The Dictionary of Art, XI, New York 1996, pp. 168-70; P. Jeroense, ‘Govaert Flinck (1615-1660): Eine Künstlerbiographie’, Niederdeutsche Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte 36 (1997), pp. 73-112; Beaujean in Saur Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon: Die Bildenden Künstler aller Zeiten und Völker, XLI, Munich/Leipzig 2004, pp. 240-43; W. Liedtke, ‘Rembrandt’s “Workshop” Revisited’, Oud Holland 117 (2004), pp. 48-73, esp. pp. 52, 68, 70, note 34; J. van der Veen, ‘Het kunstbedrijf van Hendrick Uylenburgh in Amsterdam: Productie en handel tussen 1625 en 1655’, in F. Lammertse and J. van der Veen, Uylenburgh en Zoon: Kunst en commercie van Rembrandt tot De Lairesse, 1625-1675, exh. cat. London (Dulwich Picture Gallery)/Amsterdam (Museum Het Rembrandthuis) 2006, pp. 117-205, esp. pp. 160-69; R. Lambour, ‘Het doopsgezind milieu van Michiel van Musscher (1645-1705) en van andere schilders in zeventiende-eeuws Amsterdam: Een revisie en ontdekking’, Oud Holland 125 (2012), pp. 193-214, esp. pp. 197-98; T. van der Molen, ‘Das Leben von Govert Flinck/The Life of Govert Flinck’, in E.-J. Goosens et al., Govert Flinck – Reflecting History, exh. cat. Cleves (Museum Kurhaus Kleve) 2015-16, pp. 10-21; E.J. Sluijter, Rembrandt’s Rivals: History Painting in Amsterdam 1630-1650, Amsterdam/Philadelphia 2015, pp. 97-110
The subject of this painting, the Old Testament tale of the contest between the twins Jacob and Esau to receive the blessing of their aged father Isaac, is one of the greatest stories of sibling rivalry and filial deceit ever told. On his deathbed, the blind Isaac summoned Esau, who had been the first to emerge from the womb, for the blessing, instructing him to prepare for it by hunting for some venison and cooking a meal of it. Isaac’s wife Rebecca, to whom it had been prophesied before they were born that the older son would serve the younger, overheard this conversation and conceived a plan to enable Jacob to take Esau’s place. She sent Jacob to kill two kids, which she prepared for Isaac, and put Esau’s finest clothing on Jacob. Because Esau was a hairy man, and Jacob a smooth one, Rebecca put the skins of the two kids on Jacob’s hands, who then went to his father posing as his brother. Isaac was at first suspicious, but after feeling Jacob’s gloved hands and smelling Esau’s scent on his clothing, was convinced his firstborn was before him. He ate the meat and drank the wine Jacob brought and blessed him, saying: ‘Therefore God give thee of the dew of heaven, and the fatness of the earth, and plenty of corn and wine: Let people serve thee, and nations bow down to thee: be lord over thy brethren, and let thy mother’s sons bow down to thee: cursed be every one that curseth thee, and blessed be he that blesseth thee’ (Genesis 27:28-29).
Govert Flinck shows the climax of the story, the dramatic moment before Isaac bestows his blessing and Jacob and Rebecca’s ruse succeeds. Isaac’s right hand is raised to Jacob’s head, while with his left hand he still holds one of the latter’s gloved hands. Jacob wears his brother’s garments, which are a little too large for him, and to which the colourful turban forming a repoussoir at the foot of the bed probably belongs. On a table in the background is the savoury meat and a tankard of wine. Rebecca anxiously observes the scene. According to the biblical narrative, she was not present in the room at the time of the blessing, but it was already standard practice to include her in depictions of the subject long before Flinck took it up.15
A popular theme on both sides of the Alps in the Renaissance and the seventeenth century, Flinck’s painting is one of the earliest treatments by a follower of Rembrandt.16 The presence of a vanished signature and date of 1638 on the work is recorded, and often reproduced in facsimile in Rijksmuseum collection catalogues published between 1859 and 1960.17 According to Von Moltke, these ‘disappeared when the picture was cleaned’,18 but it has been assumed in the more recent literature that they never truly existed.19 Subsequently, the Isaac Blessing Jacob has been assigned by some scholars to the early 1640s, without reference, however, to any dated paintings by way of comparison.20 Moreover, the implication that the signature and date were falsified by the Rijksmuseum in the late nineteenth century is completely unjustified.21 The work had been attributed to Flinck since at least 1786,22 and the museum, which acquired it as such in 1808, had no intention of selling it.23 The circumstances surrounding the discovery of the signature had nothing to do with financial gain, but rather were the result of scholarly diligence. The first Rijksmuseum collection catalogue to include signature facsimiles was produced in 1858. The sole purpose of the 1859 supplement was to publish an additional 22 signatures, including the one on the present painting, which had been overlooked the previous year.24
The Rijksmuseum picture was probably the one auctioned as a Rembrandt in Amsterdam on 17 April 1758.25 In the copy of the catalogue owned by the collector Johan Aegidiusz van der Marck preserved at the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris, that artist’s name was replaced by Flinck’s. The dimensions of the work in the sale correspond almost exactly with the present painting, rather than the somewhat larger version discussed below.26 It seems possible that the signature, which was rediscovered in 1859, was deliberately obscured when the Rijksmuseum picture was put on the block in 1758.
The aforementioned other version of the subject by Flinck, now on loan to Museum Catharijneconvent, does not bear a date, but has been correctly considered by all scholars to be earlier than the Rijksmuseum painting (fig. a). The treatment of the fabrics, facial features and still-life elements in the later work is much more elaborate and varied. Isaac’s beard in the picture in the Catharijneconvent, for example, has a generalized, frizzy appearance that is the same in texture as Jacob’s hair. In the Rijksmuseum painting, on the other hand, the beard is composed of broader strokes of diverse lengths, thickness and colour, running in opposite directions and including scratching. The use of the latter technique in particular and the greater attention to variations in texture in general would have been the results of Flinck’s continued study of Rembrandt’s art. The rendering of Isaac’s beard and that of his face, composed as it is of myriad short strokes and an amazing array of colours, is very close to that in Flinck’s signed Bust of an Old Man Wearing a Red Cap in Dresden, which features the same model.27 The 1639 date on that work is a further indication that the 1638 date that has disappeared from the Rijksmuseum canvas need not be questioned. More support comes from Flinck’s 1639 Self-Portrait in London, where the treatment of the face and hair resembles that of Jacob’s in the present painting.28
Another aspect of the Rijksmuseum work that is indebted to Flinck’s study of Rembrandt’s art is the very sophisticated use of light and shadow compared to the version in the Catharijneconvent. The composition nonetheless follows that of the slightly larger earlier picture, with a few important differences. Jacob, who appears to have been painted after the same model, and Rebecca have been moved to the other side of the bed, and the still life at the foot of the bed has been relegated to the background. These compositional changes were worked out in a preparatory drawing (fig. b), where the turban that takes the place of the still life in the earlier version to form a striking repoussoir in the Rijksmuseum picture seems to be roughly indicated on a stool. Moreover, Flinck experimented here with light and shadow in the form of washes. The composition of the Rijksmuseum Isaac Blessing Jacob, however, is closer to that in the Catherijneconvent painting rather than the drawing, in that the space indicated between the bed and the picture plane has been negated. By placing the bed and Isaac’s coat flush with the picture plane, and by using life-size figures, Flinck has increased the dramatic intensity of the Rijksmuseum scene.29
In addition to retaining the size and general composition of the earlier painted version, Flinck made much greater use in the Rijksmuseum picture of a technique only present in the savoury meat in the Catharijneconvent Isaac Blessing Jacob, namely the juxtaposition of small blotches of different colours to create a mottled effect. In the later work he also employed it in the fur trim of Isaac’s coat and in Rebecca’s cloak, which include small traces of red and blue, as if reflected from Isaac’s red coat and blue shirt. Despite the great differences between the two versions, the presence of this technique in the Catharijneconvent painting, albeit to a lesser degree, is one reason conjecturing a date for it not too long before 1638. Other indicators are the aforementioned similarities in composition and the figure of Jacob, which apparently had a common model. So Bruyn’s suggestion that the picture in the Catharijneconvent should be dated before 1633, the year in which he believes Flinck was apprenticed to Rembrandt, does not seem very likely.30 A preliminary investigation into Flinck’s technique has concluded, moreover, that there are similarities to other works executed in Amsterdam.31 While most recent scholars assign the earlier version to between around 1633 and 1635,32 Sumowski’s 1637 dating is more appropriate,33 and can be supported by comparison with other paintings from 1636 and 1637. The doughy, broad and superficial treatment of the draperies is similar to that in Flinck’s Shepherd in the Rijksmuseum and its pendant, the Shepherdess in Braunschweig,34 as well as the 1637 Portrait of a Man Aged 44 in the Hague Mauritshuis.35 Jacob’s excessively smooth face and deeply blushing cheeks are also features in these pictures, as are the frizzy rendering of his hair and Isaac’s beard. When compared to the earlier Isaac Blessing Jacob, and, indeed, to the dated works of 1636 and 1637, the present one indicates that Flinck’s abilities as a painter improved enormously in 1638.
This astonishing transformation cannot be chalked up entirely to Rembrandt’s influence, however, as certain aspects of the Rijksmuseum picture, such as the mottled painting technique, do not have parallels in his oeuvre. The very colourful palette and the ‘decorative calligraphic outlines’, as Blankert aptly formulated it, are also unique to Flinck.36 A vexing question relating to Flinck’s two versions of Isaac Blessing Jacob is whether or not he followed a Rembrandt prototype. No such painting has survived, but there is, of course, the possibility it is no longer extant.37 A number of drawings of the subject have been attributed to Rembrandt, and Sumowski has argued that one of them, in particular, was Flinck’s model, claiming that Benesch’s dating of it to around 1640-42 is too late.38 Indeed, its composition, although reversed, is remarkably close to that of the Rijksmuseum scene, and Rebecca’s placement behind Isaac and the proximity of the bed to the picture plane, in particular, make Sumowski’s suggestion appealing. There are also obvious parallels in the costume details, such as the cloak and the skullcap worn by Isaac and Rebecca’s headscarf. The position of the table with the still life and the use of the curtains of the bed as a framing device, not to mention the minor detail of the tassel at the upper right corner of the pillow, also correspond. A model for this drawing, and Flinck’s paintings of the subject, was probably an engraving from around 1579 after a design by Maerten de Vos.39 Jacob’s pose in Flinck’s earlier version in the Catharijneconvent may have been derived from this print, which was perhaps also the source for such costume elements as Jacob’s coat with its short, open sleeves, and Rebecca’s headscarf worn over a cap.
In the Middle Ages a deeper theological significance was given to the story of Isaac’s blessing. Instead of considering Jacob to be the guilty party, he was seen as the personification of the Christian Church, who in receiving Isaac’s blessing succeeded above Esau as representative of the Jews and the old dispensation.40 For Calvin and the authors of the marginalia for the official Statenbijbel, the fact that it had been prophesied to Rebecca that ‘Two nations are in thy womb [...] and the one people shall be stronger than the other people; and the elder will serve the younger’ (Genesis 25:23) made the Old Testament tale a paradigm of the doctrine of predestination. Although the identities of the original owners of Flinck’s two versions of Isaac Blessing Jacob are not known, nor whether the works were painted on commission, it seems safe to assume that this Calvinist take on the story does not inform Flinck’s compositions. He himself came from a Mennonite family and his clientele in Amsterdam was, as far as we know, primarily made up of Mennonites and Remonstrants. Neither of those religious affiliations subscribed to the Calvinist doctrine of predestination. A Mennonite patron would probably have viewed the pictures in the light of Menno Simons’s interpretation of the story, which drew a parallel between Jacob, who was blessed by Isaac and was ‘hated and persecuted by his carnal, fierce brother, Esau’ and ‘true Christians [...] blessed through our true Isaac, Christ Jesus’ and ‘maliciously hated and persecuted to death by their carnal and licentious brethren’.41
Jonathan Bikker, 2023
See Key to abbreviations, Rijksmuseum painting catalogues and Acknowledgements
J.W. von Moltke, Govaert Flinck, 1615-1660, Amsterdam 1965, pp. 17-18, 66-67, no. 8; W. Sumowski, Gemälde der Rembrandt-Schüler, II, Landau Pfalz 1984, pp. 999, 1019, no. 614, with earlier literature; J. Bruyn, ‘Review of W. Sumowski, Gemälde der Rembrandt-Schüler, II, Landau Pfalz 1984’, Oud Holland 101 (1987), pp. 222-34, esp. p. 226; N. van de Kamp, ‘Genesis: De oergeschiedenis en de verhalen van de aartsvaders’, in C. Tümpel et al., Het Oude Testament in de schilderkunst van de Gouden Eeuw, exh. cat. Amsterdam (Joods Historisch Museum) 1991-92, pp. 24-53, esp. p. 37; Van de Kamp in ibid., p. 222, no. 11; Sutton in A. Blankert et al., Rembrandt: A Genius and his Impact, exh. cat. Melbourne (National Gallery of Victoria)/Canberra (National Gallery of Australia) 1997-98, pp. 235-36, no. 41; R. Verdi, ‘Isaac Blessing Jacob’, in R. Verdi, Matthias Stom: Isaac Blessing Jacob, exh. cat. Birmingham (The Barber Institute of Fine Arts) 1999-2000, pp. 18-35, esp. pp. 27-28; Verdi in ibid., p. 51, no. 10; E.E. Kok, Culturele ondernemers in de Gouden Eeuw: De artistieke en sociaal-economische strategieën van Jacob Backer, Govert Flinck, Ferdinand Bol en Joachim von Sandrart, diss., University of Amsterdam 2013, pp. 52-53; P. Schatborn, ‘Zeichnungen von Govert Flinck/Drawings by Govert Flinck’, in E.-J. Goosens et al., Govert Flinck – Reflecting History, exh. cat. Cleves (Museum Kurhaus Kleve) 2015-16, pp. 76-83, esp. p. 80; E.J. Sluijter, Rembrandt’s Rivals: History Painting in Amsterdam 1630-1650, Amsterdam/Philadelphia 2015, p. 105; E.J. Sluijter, ‘Historiengemälde von Govert Flinck im künstlerischen Kontext/Govert Flinck’s Historical Paintings in Artistic Context’, in E.-J. Goosens et al., Govert Flinck – Reflecting History, exh. cat. Cleves (Museum Kurhaus Kleve) 2015-16, pp. 62-75, esp. pp. 65-66; E.J. Sluijter, ‘On Diverging Styles, Different Functions, and Fame: Govert Flinck, Ferdinand Bol, and Rembrandt as History Painters’, in S.S. Dickey (ed.), Ferdinand Bol and Govert Flinck: New Research, Zwolle 2017, pp. 20-43, esp. p. 30; D. de Witt, ‘Govert Flinck Learns to Paint like Rembrandt’, in N. Middelkoop (ed.), Ferdinand Bol and Govert Flinck: Rembrandt’s Master Pupils, exh. cat. Amsterdam (Museum Het Rembrandthuis; Amsterdam Museum) 2017-18, pp. 18-39, esp. p. 38
1809, p. 23, no. 92; 1843, p. 21, no. 93 (‘the canvas has suffered at the bottom’); 1853, p. 10, no. 84 (fl. 2,000); 1858, p. 40, no. 85; 1880, pp. 94-95, no. 87; 1887, p. 45, no. 361; 1903, p. 99, no. 927; 1934, p. 101, no. 927; 1960, p. 102, no. 927; 1976, p. 227, no. A 110
Jonathan Bikker, 2023, 'Govert Flinck, Isaac Blessing Jacob (Genesis 27:21-29), c. 1638', in J. Bikker (ed.), Dutch Paintings of the Seventeenth Century in the Rijksmuseum, online coll. cat. Amsterdam: hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.COLLECT.8428
(accessed 22 November 2024 16:30:58).