Object data
white-firing clay and polychromy (oil paint)
height 23 cm × width 28 cm × depth 14 cm
Johan Gregor van der Schardt
1573
white-firing clay and polychromy (oil paint)
height 23 cm × width 28 cm × depth 14 cm
Inscription, on a label on the reverse, in handwriting: Jean de Bologne […] collection Paul de Praun
Modelled (hollow), fired and polychromed. During the modelling of the bust, a round opening in the top of the head served to facilitate the building up of the evenly formed inner walls, measuring 1.5 à 2 cm in thickness. Prior to the bust’s firing, this opening was filled, with all traces of the seam concealed on the outside. Virtually no firing cracks can be discerned, attesting to the great care given to the sculpture’s manufacture.
The object is composed of fairly pure illite (2M2) clays. Examination of the composition showed it was not fired to complete vitrification, with small amounts of the original clay material therefore still present in its unaltered state. Thermoluminescence analysis yielded a date of 1547 ± 32 years.
The polychromy is of superb quality, with a simple oil paint applied in one or two thin layers. A sample taken from the incarnato behind the ear showed the paint of the skin to consist of lead white, an organic red lake and a few particles of yellow ochre. Analyses for isotope ratio determination of the lead white pigments was accomplished with thermal ionization mass spectrometry (TIMS).1 The data seem to be in agreement with those for the ‘Central European range’.2
A. Wallert, ‘Questions & Answers: The Technical Examination of Polychrome Terra-Cotta Sculptures by Johan Gregor van der Schardt’, Art Matters 2002, pp. 32-45
Excluding several minor points of damage to the original polychromy, the bust is in exceptionally good condition. No (restored) breaks can be discerned. A non-original thick, disfiguring layer of oxidized and yellowed varnish was removed in 2000-01.
…; collection Paul Praun (1548-1616), Nuremberg, first documented in his Praunsche Kabinett in 1616;3 acquired (with the Praunsche Kabinett) by the dealers G. Buttner and J. F. Frauenholz (1758-1822) and the collector Hans Albrecht von Derschau (1754-1824), Nuremberg, 1801;4 acquired (with the Praunsche Kabinett) by the dealers G. Buttner and J.F. Frauenholz (1758-1822) and the collector Hans Albrecht von Derschau (1754-1824), Nuremberg, 1801; acquired by Anton Paul Heinlein (1715-1803), Nuremberg, by 1803;5 from his sale, Nuremberg (Johann Andreas Boerner), 9 April 1832, no. 296, acquired by Oberstleutnant Karl Emil von Gemming (1794-1880), Nuremberg;6 ? from whom, acquired by the sculptor Ernst Julius Haehnel (1811-1891), Dresden, 1842;7 ? his widow Elise Walter-Haehnel or their daughters Anna and Elisabeth Haehnel, Dresden, 1891;8 …; from the London art market, acquired by Michael Hall, New York, 1980; from whom, $1,400,000, to the museum, with the support of the Mondriaan Stichting, the SponsorBingo Loterij and the Vereniging Rembrandt, with additional funding from the Prins Bernhard Cultuurfonds, 20099
Object number: BK-2000-17
Credit line: Purchased with the support of the Mondriaan Stichting, the SponsorBingo Loterij and the Vereniging Rembrandt, with additional funding from the Prins Bernhard Cultuurfonds
Copyright: Public domain
This portrait bust of a man resurfaced on the London art market in 1980, after having circulated in anonymity for almost 150 years. Despite the presence of an old label erroneously describing the bust as a portrait of Giambologna (1529-1608), its identification as a self-portrait by the Nijmegen sculptor Johan Gregor van der Schardt (1530-c. 1581) could be determined thanks to its provenance in the famous collection of the Nuremberg merchant Paul Praun (1548-1616).10 Additional confirmation was obtained via a comparison with the painted portrait of the sculptor made by Nicolas de Neufchâtel (c. 1527-1584) in Nuremberg. 11 Since then, the bust has been recognized without disputation as one of this artist’s most important works and as a seminal piece in the overall development of sculptors’ self-portraits.12
Van der Schardt made the self-portrait in Nuremberg, where he resided from 1570 to circa 1581 working as a court sculptor for Emperor Maximilian II. For at least ten years prior to this time, he was active in various Italian cities, including Venice and Bologna (c. 1558-69), and before that Rome, Florence, and possibly Mantua.13 His recruitment and subsequent hiring by the emperor is well documented in a number of letters written in the years 1569-70 by the imperial envoy Von Dornberg in Venice.14 In Nuremberg, Van der Schardt collaborated on projects with various artists, including the goldsmith Wenzel Jamnitzer (1508-1585), with whom he produced a table fountain in the form of an imperial crown, measuring more than three metres high. Although commissioned by Emperor Maximilian, the fountain was ultimately completed during the reign of his successor, Rudolf II.15
Besides working for the Habsburg court, Van der Schardt portrayed various members of the urban elite, executed in naturalistically painted terracotta. At least ten of these polychromed portraits by his hand have been preserved, including both medallions and several autonomous busts.16 Examples of the latter category include portrait busts of the erudite art collector and merchant Willibald Imhoff (1519-1580) and his wife, Anna,17 that of the writing and mathematics teacher Johann Neudörfer Junior (1543-1581) (BK-C-1994-1),18 and a series of medallion portraits, including one of Imhoff, but also a medallion depicting the aforementioned Paul Praun, who ultimately emerged as a personal patron of the sculptor.19
Van der Schardt and Praun possibly first met in Bologna, where Praun worked as a silk merchant acting on the behalf of his family’s trading house until 1578.20 Van der Schardt’s Self-Portrait is mentioned together with approximately 180 models and completed works by the sculptor in the inventory of the Praunsche Kabinett compiled in 1616, the year of Praun’s death. This suggests Praun either received the bust from Van der Schardt – presented as a friendship gift bestowed on his patron – or that he possibly came into its possession at the time he acquired the remainder of the atelier inventory following the sculptor’s death. While later inventories (the first compiled in 1719, the second in 1797) lack entries allowing a precise identification, the bust again appears when listed during an 1832 sale of part of Praun’s collection.21
In the inventory of 1616, Van der Schardt’s Self-Portrait is listed as: ‘Ein kopf, Johann Gregori conterfect, eines schuchs hoch’ (A head, Johann Gregori [sic] portrait, one schuchs high). 22 This measurement more or less corresponds with the present bust’s actual height, i.e. approximately half that of an average-size person.23 Consequently, the sculptor chose to portray himself on a scale in the tradition of small to very small busts: the three-dimensional equivalent of small painted portraits, miniatures and portrait medallions, or small portrait medallions modelled in wax, all of which played a role in the amicable exchange between persons portrayed and collectors. In this manner, such works also entered art collections.24 In spite of the small format, Van der Schardt presented himself in an extraordinarily self-aware and ambitious pose, without clothing or attributes and with the head turned emphatically to one side. He stares out, with an expression of melancholy. In its execution, the Self-Portrait reflects two different traditions: on one hand, an old-fashioned, essentially gothic portrait type derived from medieval religious culture and reliquaries; on the other hand, the bust’s unabashed nakedness refers to classical antiquity.25
Up until the eighteenth century, sculptors’ self-portraits are a relatively uncommon phenomenon, in part stemming from the level of difficulty inherent to the genre. Van der Schardt’s autonomous Self-Portrait, by contrast, belongs to a sixteenth-century visual tradition,26 while also being linked to a local Nuremberg interest.27 A majority of these self-portraits, however, were conceived as part of a larger artwork and by no means as autonomous, freestanding pieces. Autonomous sculptors’ self-portraits first emerged in Italy around the mid-sixteenth century.28 Van der Schardt was perhaps highly familiar with this development. Nevertheless, his Self-Portrait is first and foremost a reaction to Albrecht Dürer’s painted self-portraits made in the years 1493-1500, but even more so by his painted portrait of the German merchant Kleberger, acquired by Van der Schardt’s patron Willibald Imhoff precisely in the year 1572.29 This exceptional cabinet piece shows a painted, naked bust that partly projects outwards from a circular niche. The scene’s illusory quality, which balances on the boundary between the pictorial versus the sculptural, indicates that, with this work, Dürer wished to make a clear statement regarding painting’s primacy within the context of the paragone debate.30 A comparison with Van der Schardt’s Self-Portrait becomes immediately apparent in light of the classical nakedness shared by the two works.31 Where Dürer bestowed a sculptural quality on his portrait – achieved through the manner in which he terminated the bust and its placement close to the niche’s front edge – Van der Schardt’s portrait, by contrast, moves precisely in the direction of the pictorial, accomplished through the true-to-life modelling and polychromy.32
By depicting the head turned sharply to one side, Van der Schardt forced the viewer to ask how an artist might produce a self-portrait in three dimensions without looking directly into the mirror. Furthermore, by introducing this salient contrapposto he also alluded to a formal visual tradition that comprised an array of well-known figures with their heads averted, beginning with the Apollo Belvedere, followed by the statues of Brutus, David and Victoria by his famed role model Michelangelo, and finishing with the Sol-Apollo in Dürer’s engravings.33
Van der Schardt’s naked, confident and proud portrait with averted face may also have implicitly addressed the notion of the artist as the image of God – the optimus artifex or supreme artist, in whose image man models himself – and more particularly, as the image of Adam, the first and (prior to the Fall) perfect man.34 The church father St Ambrose described God’s creation of Adam as an artistic deed and an example of his double role as artifex and pictor, i.e. as a sculptor and painter. As such, his act of creation offers a striking parallel to the essence of Van der Schardt’s veristic portraiture.35 In Nuremburg, this parallel between the artist and God already had a valid precedent: Dürer’s self-portrait of 1500, in which the artist portrayed himself as alter Christus in the visual tradition of the Vera Icon.36
In this light, Van der Schardt’s Self-Portrait is above all a display of artistic superiority and self-awareness made within a few years of the sculptor’s arrival in one of Europe’s most important cultural centres and his appointment as imperial sculptor. To underscore this proud and ambitious self-representation, he moreover chose to portray himself with a staring, melancholic gaze, ideally expressing the quality of artistic genius.37
Frits Scholten, 2023
C.T. von Murr, Description du Cabinet de Monsieur Paul de Praun à Nuremberg, Nuremberg 1797, p. 243, possibly no. 86 (‘Buste d’homme’); Verzeichnis des Anton Paul Heinlein’schen ausgezeichneten Kunstcabinets, welches vom 9. April an durch den Auctionator J.A. Boerner […] versteigert wird, sale cat. Nuremberg (Johann Andreas Boerner) 1832, p. 72, no. 296 (as Giambologna); R.A. Peltzer, ‘Ein Bronzerelief von Giovanni da Bologna in der Barfüsserkirche zu Augsburg’, Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst 59 (1925-26), pp. 185-92, esp. p. 188 (as Giambologna); K. Pilz, ‘Nürnberg und die Niederlande’, Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 43 (1952), pp. 1-153, esp. p. 89 (as a portrait of Giambologna by Van der Schardt); H. Honnens de Lichtenberg, Johan Gregor van der Schardt: Bildhauer bei Kaiser Maximilian II., am dänischen Hof und bei Tycho Brahe, Copenhagen 1991, pp. 15-29; U. Berger, ‘Bemerkungen zum Werk von Johann Gregor van der Schardt anlässlich der ersten Monographie über den Bildhauer’, Kunstchronik 46 (1993), no. 7, pp. 361-70, esp. pp. 367-68; N. Jopek, ‘Review of H. Honnens de Lichtenberg, Johan Gregor van der Schardt, Bildhauer bei Kaiser Maximilian II., am dänischen Hof und bei Tycho Brahe, Copenhagen 1991’, The Burlington Magazine 135 (1993), pp. 833-34, esp. p. 834; J.C. Smith, German Sculpture of the Later Renaissance c. 1520-1580: Art in an Age of Uncertainty, Princeton 1994, pp. 391-94, esp. p. 392; K. Achilles-Syndram (ed.), Die Kunstsammlung des Paulus Praun: Die Inventare von 1616 und 1719, Nuremberg 1994, p. 147; U. Berger, ‘Eine Plastiksammlung mit dem Bildhauernachlass von Johann Gregor van der Schardt’, in K. Achilles-Syndram (ed.), Die Kunstsammlung des Paulus Praun: Die Inventare von 1616 und 1719, Nuremberg 1994, pp. 43-60, esp. p. 53 and fig. 62; A. Butterfield, Masterpieces of Renaissance Sculpture: An Exhibition of Sculpture from the Collection of Michael Hall, Esq., exh. cat. New York (Salander O’Reilly Galleries) 2000, no. 9; F. Scholten, ‘Zelfportret, Johan Gregor van der Schardt’, Bulletin van de Vereniging Rembrandt 10 (2000), no. 3, pp. 12-14; F. Scholten, ‘Johan Gregor van der Schardts zelfportret, circa 1573’, Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 49 (2001), no. 4, pp. 310-25; F. Scholten, ‘Het zelfportret van Johan Gregor van der Schardt’, Jaarboek Numaga 49 (2002), pp. 100-03; F. Scholten and G. de Werd, Een hogere werkelijkheid: Duitse en Franse beeldhouwkunst 1200-1600 uit het Rijksmuseum Amsterdam/Eine höhere Wirklichkeit, Deutsche und Französische Skulptur 1200-1600 aus dem Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, exh. cat. Cleves (Museum Kurhaus Kleve) 2004-06, no. 34; R. Eikelmann (ed.), Conrat Meit: Bildhauer der Renaissance, exh. cat. Munich (Bayerisches Nationalmuseum) 2006-07, no. 71; F. Scholten, ‘Spiriti veramente divini¬: Sculptors from the Low Countries in Italy, 1500-1600’, in I. Alexander-Skipnes (ed.), Cultural Exchange between the Low Countries and Italy (1400-1600), Turnhout 2007, pp. 225-38, esp. p. 231 and fig. 4; P. Hecht, 125 jaar openbaar kunstbezit: Met steun van de Vereniging Rembrandt, exh. cat. Amsterdam (Van Gogh Museum) 2008, p. 190 and fig. 278; D. Gallo, ‘Small Portraits for Great Men: The Miniature Portrait Bust in the Sixteenth Century’, The Rijksmuseum Bulletin 58 (2010), pp. 56-73, esp. pp. 60, 62 and fig. 3; F. Scholten, ‘Johan Gregor van der Schardt and the Moment of Self-Portraiture in Sculpture’, Simiolus 33 (2007-08), pp. 195-220; F. Scholten, ‘Johan Gregor van der Schardt, Zelfportret: Een nipte verwerving’, in A. de Vries and F. Bijl de Vroe-Verloop (eds.), Vereniging Rembrandt, verrijkend & verreikend, The Hague 2009; F. Scholten, De beeldhouwer zelf: Johan Gregor van der Schardt, ca. 1573, Amsterdam 2015; F. Scholten (ed.), 1100-1600, coll. cat. Amsterdam (Rijksmuseum) 2015, no. 102; F. Scholten, ‘De maker zelf, bedrieglijk echt’, Kunstschrift 61 (2017), no. 6, pp. 22-29 and figs. 26, 27, 29; L. Syson et al., Life Like: Sculpture, Color, and the Body (1300-Now), exh. cat. New York (The Metropolitan Museum of Art) 2018, pp. 100, 122-23 and no. 26; F. Scholten, ‘Michelangelo’s Mighty Models or the Legacy of Johan Gregor van der Schardt’, in C. Kryza-Gersch (ed.), Shadows of Time: Giambologna, Michelangelo and the Medici Chapel, Dresden/Munich 2018, pp. 92-111, esp. p. 96 and figs. 1, 3; F. Scholten, ‘Dusting off Terracottas: A Critical Reception History of Johan Gregor van der Schardt’s Artistic Legacy’, Simiolus 41 (2019), no. 3, pp. 131-52, esp. pp. 132, 136 and figs. 1, 2
F. Scholten, 2020, 'Johan Gregor van der Schardt, Self-Portrait, Neurenberg, 1573', in F. Scholten and B. van der Mark (eds.), (under construction) European Sculpture, online coll. cat. Amsterdam: hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.COLLECT.356254
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